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Smallwood, Angela. 'Introduction to vol. 6 of Eighteenth-Century Women Playwrights: Elizabeth Inchbald.' British Women Playwrights around 1800. 15 August 2001. 32 pars. <http://www.etang.umontreal.ca/bwp1800/essays/smallwood_introPC.html>


From Eighteenth-Century Women Playwrights, 6 vols., gen. ed. Derek Hughes (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2001), vol. 6, pp. ix-xxviii. Copyright © Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited 2001. Used by permission of the publisher. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, or otherwise without prior permission of the publisher.

[Volume 6 of Eighteenth-Century Women Playwrights contains the following plays: The Widow's Vow; Such Things Are; The Child of Nature; Next Door Neighbours; Wives as they Were and Maids as they Are]

Copyright © Contributor, 2001-2008. This essay is protected under the copyright laws of the United States and the Universal Copyright Convention. Publication (print or electronic) or commercial use of any of the copyrighted materials without direct authorization from the copyright holder is strictly prohibited.

1.

Elizabeth Inchbald (1753-1821) was an actress before she became a playwright and her plays belong to the thriving theatrical culture of late eighteenth-century London. (1) From her years as an actress in her twenties and thirties she drew detailed knowledge of how theatre performances worked. She gained extensive early experience of much of the standard repertoire by playing sometimes major roles on provincial stages in Bristol, Liverpool, Birmingham, Dublin and Scotland, and on Tate Wilkinson's Yorkshire circuit. (2) From 1780, when she became a member of the Covent Garden company, she played supporting roles at Covent Garden and the Haymarket alongside the performers who, increasingly, were to form the casts of her own plays. (3) She saw new productions develop and, as a poorly paid actress who could not refuse walk-on parts in pantomimes, experienced the operation of the hierarchies of stage production: the ranking of genres and talents within the companies from tragedy down to musicals, from delivering Shakespearean verse down to singing ballads.

2.

Inchbald moved from acting into professional writing gradually and quite deliberately, while employed by the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, during the 1780s. The move was founded upon a sustained programme of self-education, a regime of reading which began early and was logged, year by year, in notebooks. (4) Combining substantial first-hand stage experience with wide-ranging study, Inchbald achieved a professional style and status unavailable to the actress-playwrights of the eighteenth century who had preceded her. In the 1750s and 1760s, Susannah Cibber and Kitty Clive, for instance, had turned aside from acting only briefly to work up the occasional short afterpiece, creating exuberant roles for themselves for benefit nights; and Elizabeth Griffith, who published letters and novels as well as plays, had battled much harder and less successfully than Inchbald for a permanent place as a writer in the patronage of the theatre managers. (5)

3.

While over a hundred women wrote plays in Britain in the eighteenth century, the years between 1770 and 1800, which included the major part of Inchbald's career as a playwright, saw a massive expansion in women's writing in general. During this period, many women tried their hands at writing a play or two, in part because writing for the stage, if successful, brought better financial rewards than other kinds of writing. (6) Inchbald is outstanding, however, for the continuity of the stage successes which resulted from her extensive output of twenty or so plays. (7) Her achievement of financial independence, social acceptability and a recognised career as a writer for the stage is exceptional. Looking back from 1831, James Boaden, who wrote biographies of several major theatre figures of Inchbald's time, saw only four women since the Restoration who had achieved eminence as comic dramatists: Aphra Behn, Susanna Centlivre, Hannah Cowley and Elizabeth Inchbald. (8) When the Longman publishing company sought a significant figure as editor of three prestigious anthologies of English drama, published in the early years of the nineteenth century, they chose Inchbald; a clear tribute to the position she had won. (9)

4.

This picture of Elizabeth Inchbald as a figure closely identified with the late Georgian theatre is distinctly different from the image that until recently she has retained in literary studies. She has been noted in a small way as the author of one of the more interesting novels of sensibility, A Simple Story (1791), and of Lovers' Vows (1798), an obscure adaptation of a German melodrama, which was chosen by Jane Austen for the family theatricals in Mansfield Park. [Lovers' Vows is available at the BWP1800 site.] The privileging of prose fiction above popular theatre pieces evident in this judgement dates from Inchbald's own time. It was with a novel that Inchbald herself first approached a publisher; it was only after this was rejected that she found her first opportunity to write professionally in drama, which continued to pay much better. The novel was more respectable than the theatre, especially for a woman, and, as Inchbald herself noted in a light-hearted essay of 1807, gave the writer far greater autonomy and freedom of expression. (10) Boaden, himself a minor dramatist, would have agreed: in his 1833 biography of Inchbald he wrote, as if from personal experience, that success as a playwright was too much a matter of luck, of rapid labour pursuing the lure of spectacular earnings, at the mercy of the public's latest rage for a favourite performer (Memoirs of Mrs Inchbald, vol. II, p. 3). Devoting hundreds of pages to detailing the development of Inchbald's life as a playwright, to the staging and publication of most of her substantial body of plays, Boaden's monumental work nevertheless pronounces that it is her first novel, A Simple Story, 'which bears the highest testimony to the genius of Mrs Inchbald' (ibid. vol. I, p. 274)

5. In literary terms this may well be right, for the general profile of her dramatic output looks unpromising by traditional criteria: its claims to originality or solid achievement in established genres are not extensive. Beyond Lovers' Vows, as much as half her output consists of translations, mainly from French. Original five-act comedies are strongly outnumbered by adaptations and afterpieces (short plays presented after the main entertainment; a type of work often assumed to be unimportant because it was dominated by farce, presented by players of middle or lower rank and apparently ephemeral). (11) Inchbald's first stage success was an afterpiece, a light two-act farce called The Mogul Tale (1784) that appealed to the opportunism of George Colman, manager of the Haymarket, because it exploited the current rage for hot air ballooning. Likely appeal at the box office also influenced the choice of Inchbald's other afterpieces in the 1780s, most of which were adaptations from recent Paris productions of proven popularity and were commissioned by Thomas Harris, manager of Covent Garden. These could be written fairly rapidly; journalists in 1786, reporting that Inchbald was at work on her fifth play in two years, joked about her numerous dramatic progeny, her teeming muse, her pregnant pen, her fertile conceptions, and so on. (12) The flow of payments received for this sequence of afterpiece adaptations, however, largely provided the funds that Inchbald invested for her long-term financial support in the years immediately preceding and following her withdrawal from the Covent Garden company in 1789. This bread-and-butter work may have been low on originality, opportunistic, profit-driven, topical, pandering to popular crazes, rushed and pragmatic; however, these features of Inchbald's most neglected works do not automatically condemn them, but reflect the considerable constraints within which she worked and achieved success while many others failed.
6. The three Longman anthologies of 1808-11 placed eleven of Inchbald's own works among the best recent British drama. All had been successful in the theatre and in print. They included all her produced five-act comedies - five original plays and two adapted from German - and four short afterpieces, three of which were adaptations from French. (13) It is striking that this early nineteenth-century Inchbald canon recognises both the afterpieces and the less original adapted material strongly. In practice, the complexity of influences, both English and foreign, upon plays of the period makes the separation of original from unoriginal material extremely difficult and ultimately unimportant:(14) Goldsmith's She Stoops to Conquer (1773) is indebted to Marivaux; Sheridan's The School for Scandal (1777) draws upon earlier works, including Tom Jones, and was tailored to the established talents of the players who premièred it. (15) Recent critics of Inchbald have shown a new interest in relating both her fiction and her drama to the cultural interactions that dominated the theatre for which she wrote, and in placing her work in the context of the turbulent period that saw the War of American Independence, the trial of Warren Hastings, the regency crisis, anti-slavery campaigns, and the French Revolution and its aftermath. Gary Kelly, presenting A Simple Story as a key text in the growth of the Jacobin novel in the 1790s, has highlighted the radicalism of Such Things Are (1787) and Next Door Neighbours (1791), as well as of Everyone has his Fault (1793), which was attacked in The True Briton on 30 January 1793 for, in Boaden's words, 'doctrines ... tending to disorganisation' (ibid. vol. I, p. 310). Other critics have taken up Such Things Are in relation to colonialism and Wives as they Were, and Maids as they Are (1797) in the perspective of eighteenth-century marriage law. (16)
7. The selection of Inchbald's dramatic works in this volume combines five-act plays and afterpieces, adaptations and original work, to present a group of texts which debate a number of important themes: gender identities; female education; the power of fashion; despotism and libertarianism; models of human relations based on friendship, hierarchy or power struggles between sexes, generations or classes; the conflict between libertinism and sensibility (on one level, the whole story of eighteenth-century stage comedy). I will take up some of these points later in this introduction. My main aim, however, is to free Inchbald's plays from novel-centred criticism by establishing something of the nature of the theatrical culture within which they took shape and by highlighting some of the conflicts which emerge in her work between the conservative tendencies and the radical potential of late Georgian stage comedy.
 
Inchbald's theatre
8.
Late in 1788, critics reviewing the production of Inchbald's The Child of Nature at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, were particularly well entertained by its epilogue. The London Chronicle (27-9 November 1788) enjoyed the satirical points scored against 'fashionable follies of the times' and commented that it was 'admirably spoken by Mrs. Mattocks'. It was in fact a virtuoso piece written especially for the popular middle-ranking actress Isabella Mattocks, not by Inchbald herself but, as was quite frequently the case, by a leading epilogue writer, Miles Peter Andrews. It gave full scope to the performer's talents, including her gift for caricaturing women who, with a social status somewhere below the fashionable class, tried to keep up with fashion. However, a more waspish critic in The Times (1 December), took pleasure in pointing out that 'The attack on Ladies Feathers ... loses much of its force, from the Speaker being herself decked with an enormous plume'. There was indeed a massive contradiction, not simply here but at the heart of the late eighteenth-century London theatre, which, as a major consumer-led industry, was capable of criticising fashion but was committed to cultivating it. This particular epilogue was on one level a commercial gambit: a speciality act bought in to supply the production of Inchbald's modest drama with a brilliant final flourish and thus to leave the audience demanding the continuation of its run.
9. The dynamic of the epilogue was a matter more complex, however, than Isabella Mattocks's apparent hypocrisy in ridiculing feathered head-dresses whilst wearing one herself. It gave her the opportunity to delight her audience by manipulating multiple identities for a wonderfully rich theatrical effect. In the full-dress costume of a marchioness (her role in Inchbald's play), she would have stepped forward from the final scene as one of the audience's favourite speakers of epilogues, an actress well liked in roles ranging across the class hierarchy from intriguing chambermaids to assertive ladies of quality. She would have been recognisable as a woman with no personal claim to gentility in private life, stepping half out of the identity of a titled lady, half into her own highly resonant stage persona and then, in the mimicking sections of the epilogue, launching into virtual self-parody as she delivered the latest of her famously hilarious impressions of other, less skilful, social pretenders. The members of the audience, too, would have been cast in at least dual roles by their responses to this prologue. They would have accepted the role of the moral majority, to which Mattocks appealed for endorsement of the innocent simplicity of the child of nature. They would also have responded to the satire on fashion with gleeful laughter while contributing from their seats in the auditorium to the spectacle of the theatre itself, as one of the main cockpits of fashion in London.
10.

Inchbald knew intimately this culturally fascinating performance medium, in which most writers were servants, not masters. Behind the texts which appear in this volume lie complex accommodations and compromises. Managers, performers, audiences and reviewers all influenced the ways in which the performance text of a play developed. Inchbald responded to them by making revisions, sometimes repeatedly, not only during rehearsals but also during early performances, which preceded the publication of the first editions. The Larpent manuscripts of the plays (copies of their texts sent to the lord chamberlain's office for licensing some days ahead of their opening nights) often differ from the printed versions and show that many changes were made. In addition, Inchbald's own manuscript of Such Things Are shows layers of rewriting both before and after the Larpent manuscript was copied. A whole range of factors could force changes, as the endnotes to this volume illustrate. Successful new effects were generated when particular roles interacted creatively with the personalities and repertoires of certain performers; see, for example, Inchbald's extra material for William Parsons as Don Antonio in The Widow's Vow, and for William Thomas Lewis and Isabella Mattocks as Twineall and Lady Tremor in Such Things Are. A play might be tailored to pick up on a topical event, such as the trial of Warren Hastings in the case of Such Things Are; scenes which proved ponderous in the early performances would be cut, as in The Child of Nature; and episodes which were attacked in the reviews for indelicacy or for striking the wrong tone might be dropped (Eleanor's proposal at the end of Next Door Neighbours is one of these; Lady Priory's business with the hat in Act II of Wives as they Were, and Maids as they Are is another). The enormous contribution of the players' own inventiveness is clear, not only from the acknowledgements made by Inchbald in some of the advertisements which preface the texts but also in the huge number of new stage directions written into the published versions in an attempt to capture some of the nuances conveyed by the stage business and the performers' by-play.

11.

There was a hierarchical relationship between the three London patent theatres, based upon perceptions of both repertoires and audiences, which placed Inchbald, as a member of the Covent Garden company, somewhere in the middle ground. Her friends, the actor-manager John Philip Kemble and the famous actress Sarah Siddons, were installed majestically at Drury Lane, which was the most traditional of the theatres and the natural home of tragedy at this time. The Covent Garden repertoire was a little lighter than that of Drury Lane but the patrons in the boxes were often just as distinguished since Covent Garden was George III's favourite theatre and mounted the majority of royal command performances (productions acted at the request of the king), which attracted glittering audiences. Third in line was the Theatre Royal in the Haymarket, the first to stage Inchbald's work. This was a smaller theatre which operated in the summer months when the other two theatres were closed and many people of fashion were out of town. Reviews of Inchbald's Next Door Neighbours at the Haymarket in 1791 promoted it by mentioning the fashionable nature of the audience which it had already attracted ('The PRINCE of WALES, Mrs. FITZHERBERT, with all the "remnant fashion" of the Metropolis'); while one reviewer interpreted Inchbald's creation of the Figaro-like, outspoken, honest servant, Bluntly, as a shamelessly well-aimed appeal to the Haymarket gallery. (17)

12. Regardless of their position in this hierarchy, all the theatre companies played to an audience of some social diversity, reflected in the stratified architecture and pricing, in all the playhouses, of pit, box and gallery. (18) Inchbald could have had no better introduction to the composite nature of this audience than was provided by her work adapting plays from the Parisian stage. Box office success did not transfer directly from Paris to London with a direct translation of a play. For The Child of Nature (and for the German adaptation Lovers' Vows), Thomas Harris passed to Inchbald a literal translation brought to him by someone else so that she could adapt it to London tastes. Inchbald summarised her view of the challenge of this work in The British Theatre in 1808, commenting that
every drama requires great alteration, before it can please a London audience, although it has previously charmed the audience of Paris. The gloomy mind of a British auditor demands a bolder and more varied species of theatrical amusement, than the lively spirits of his neighbours in France. The former has no attention, no curiosity, till roused by some powerful fable, intricate occurrences, and all the interest which variety creates - whilst the latter will quietly sit, absorbed in their own glowing fancy, to hear speeches after speeches, of long narration, nor wish to see anything performed, so they are but told, that something has been done. (19)

The adaptations reproduced below consistently treat their originals very much along lines suggested by this assessment of the character of British audiences: they reproduce comic events and quickfire exchanges almost verbatim but cut out soliloquies and reflection in favour of pace, action, bold stage effects and situations capable of releasing the talents of great comic players. They extend and vary the range of roles, chiefly in the direction of low comedy to offset sentiment, and cut explanations and elaborations, leaving more to be conveyed by the performers. (20) In Lovers' Vows, 'altered from the German of Kotzebue', Inchbald made different but equally essential modifications, reworking several aspects of the original play extensively because, as its preface explains, she judged it 'discordant with an English stage'. Her skilled assessment of what would work in a London theatre was completely vindicated: 'for Kotzebue's "Child of Love", in Germany, was never more attractive, than "Lovers' Vows" has been in England' (The British Theatre, vol. 23, p. 5).

13. The Parisian audience was perceived as more aristocratic and refined, and although Inchbald broadened the appeal of the French plays she adapted, their French origin made them attractive in London, if not to 'the quality' themselves, then to their social imitators. 'All you have to do', Harris advised Inchbald with regard to writing The Midnight Hour in 1787, 'is to get a prologue, which must say much of its great celebrity in Paris' (Boaden, Memoirs of Mrs Inchbald, vol. I, p. 246). French style was irresistibly fashionable, endorsed as it was by the English aristocracy, whose private theatres were set up in emulation of those in France. Harris's commissioning of Inchbald to adapt The Child of Nature from a French play written for private performance by the Comtesse de Genlis is a good example of how the Covent Garden company exploited the appeal of French refinement. Although some reviews were negative, complaining that the piece was pale and uninteresting, (21) the play's innocent young heroine, Amanthis, recreated an icon of ideal femininity which commanded sympathy as a cultural image through a long stage history (see below, pp. 84-5). Patricia Sigl suggests that Inchbald may have seen distinct personal advantages in taking on this adaptation: by succeeding in staging the rarefied gentility of the world of Genlis's heroine, Inchbald was able to move on from the associations of coarseness which beset the broader tradition of English farce with which she had previously experimented, and to reinforce the femininity and refinement of her own image. (22) Inchbald had long been aware of the positive cultural significance of the French language, especially for a woman. Learning French formed a recognised part of a genteel female education in the eighteenth century and conferred politeness; Boaden describes Inchbald's early determination to learn French as 'indispensable' to her project to become a professional writer (ibid. vol. I, p. 52).
14. For London theatre audiences the political connotations of the idea of France, however, were strongly negative. Culturally the London stage fostered French taste; but politically it promoted a nationalist rhetoric that ridiculed France, Britain's competitor as a world power, as other, insisting upon hostility and difference. The anti-French vein of nationalist satire dates back to the 1750s, to comedies by Samuel Foote and David Garrick especially, and is evident in a few of the prologues and epilogues in this volume. (23) Inchbald herself was ready to exploit British scorn of French absolutism as well as fashion's drive to emulate French refinement. An exploration of the layers of composition behind Such Things Are illustrates this.
15. Inchbald's concept of Such Things Are includes an attack on French-style politics, which is bound in with her critique of Lord Chesterfield, an announced target of the play's satire. In her 'Remarks' on the play, Inchbald states that the 'character and conduct' of Twineall, the foolish sycophant, 'is formed on the plan of Lord Chesterfield's finished gentleman' (The British Theatre, vol. 23, p. 4). Chesterfield's famous Letters were designed to educate his son to follow in his footsteps as an international diplomat and aesthete, offering lessons in how to win place and favour within the aristocratic, cosmopolitan ruling European élite which was strongly identified with France. Written in the 1740s and 1750s but not published until 1774, the letters displayed to Inchbald's generation the old ethos of hypocrisy and cynicism associated with the ancien régime, which Chesterfield so much admired. They were met with outrage by the writers of the 1770s, who were advancing an independent British national identity based on the moral ideals of liberty, honesty and integrity, values fundamental to the self-perceptions of a commercial culture. To such writers, the Letters embodied all the negative qualities which epitomised the French in British nationalist mythmaking: despotism, libertinism, hypocrisy, politesse, superficiality, foppishness and effeminacy. In Inchbald's play, the characteristics of Chesterfield's 'finished gentleman' are split between Twineall and Lord Flint, the secretive, treacherous politician. (24) The early draft, however, makes explicit the anti-French element of the attack on Chesterfield. It shows not only a Twineall so effeminate that he is mistaken at one point for a woman but also, in the place later occupied by Lord Flint, a French count, Méprise, complete with a stage French accent and the further damning attribute of a reputation for cynical womanising.
16. By the time of the first performance the French identity of this character had been stripped out completely and the British figure of Lord Flint inserted in its place. The production coincided with a time when public interest in the House of Commons impeachment trial of Warren Hastings, governor general of Bengal, was high (see below, pp. 29-30); by excluding reference to France, the late revision of the manuscript makes the play's criticism of tyrannical rule a purely Anglo-Indian issue. Alongside the Hastings trial, Such Things Are provides a sustained exploration of the nature of the British identities presented to the outside world through the colonial enterprise. While the final version of the play thus took on an immediate political resonance, the earlier version illustrates Inchbald's awareness of the broader political cross-currents upon which audience sympathies were borne. This keen feeling for the political implications of stage comedy is a key dynamic in Inchbald's handling of the conventions of sentimental drama.
 
Inchbald's comedies and the politics of sensibility
17. The heyday of the sensibility movement in eighteenth-century English culture has often been blamed for a perceived debilitation of stage comedy. The common assumption is that the brilliant wit and sharp satire of Restoration comedy was displaced by the deadening effects of sentimental speechifying and the indulgence of facile wish-fulfilment in the unfolding of plots. (25) Although she balances sentiment with satire in her dramas, Inchbald can seem all too repetitively adept at producing long-lost family members, by coincidence, to participate in tearful reunions. The selection in this volume offers ready examples: the reconciliation of the Sultan with Arabella in Such Things Are; of Amanthis with Alberto in The Child of Nature; of Miss Dorrillon with Sir William in Wives as They Were, and Maids as they Are. These major plot events bring to mind comparable episodes in Inchbald's novels: the reconciliation of Matilda with Lord Elmwood in A Simple Story; the reconciliation denied in Nature and Art when the child of art, William, does not recognise that the figure in the dock whom he as judge condemns to death is Hannah, whom he himself seduced and who should have been his wife. There is a preoccupation here with renewing bonds between parents and children, between husbands and wives, that have been broken by the events of modern life: political upheaval, exile, colonial trade and travel, adultery, seduction. Inchbald shows these emotional ties reasserting themselves, as if by instinct, in characters who are shown as basically good or in whom goodness can be reawakened, remaking the traditional harmonies of the ideal family and the ideal society. Allardyce Nicoll, comparing Inchbald's plays with mid-eighteenth-century sentimental comedy, recognises in her work a 'more advanced style of sentimental humanitarian drama'. (26) In the wake of Rousseau and in the age of the French Revolution, her plays, it is true, explicitly draw out the political implications of sensibility. A mid-century classic of sentimentalism, William Whitehead's The School for Lovers (1762), focuses on the delicacy of feeling which impedes the progress of a courtship; Inchbald's The Child of Nature relates quite strikingly to this tradition (see below, p. 85). Other plays by Inchbald, however, examine relationships within marriage and families, represent hierarchical structures which suggest analogies between the family and society, and raise issues relating to the use of power.
18. Such Things Are centres on philanthropic sensibility and illustrates its radical potential. The play dramatises the moment at which a mode of sensibility based on a moral form of social imitation, a benign paternalism identified with the traditional qualities and obligations of the ruling class, turns into a critique of the failings of that class. The cult of benevolence among the middling classes in the eighteenth century was, according to Robert Markley, a demonstration that they increasingly possessed the wealth and the capacity for humanitarian feelings that qualified them to carry out the social responsibilities traditionally associated with the hereditary aristocracy. (27) This concept illuminates the iconic nature of the figure of the philanthropist Haswell in Such Things Are, which is based on the prison reformer and reluctant national hero John Howard. Haswell's benevolence is presented as the opposite of and the corrective to despotic government, symbolised by the Sultan's prison. One of the dramatic highpoints of the original production was the scene in which Haswell visits the prison and gives money to a political prisoner, Zedan, said to be a 'ferocious' inmate, who has stolen Haswell's pocketbook. In an impulsive response to Haswell's humane gesture, Zedan hands back the pocketbook and describes the surprising surge of love towards the rest of humanity which accompanies his action. Audiences thundered their applause at this point. (28) It is a moment of naked benevolist ideology, in which Haswell demonstrates the existence of intrinsic human goodness and the possibility of reviving it by kindness in a man reduced to criminality by an oppressive regime. Haswell exclaims: 'Oh, nature! grateful! mild! gentle! and forgiving! - worst of tyrants they who, by hard usage, drive you to be cruel!' (below, p. 53). As a final tribute to Haswell at the close of the play, Zedan remarks that he would happily become the former's slave. Although it is possible to cavil over how far the substitution of Haswell's benevolence for the Sultan's tyranny actually implies a new social order, (29) the force of Zedan's remark is to emphasise that, unlike the Sultan, Haswell is morally qualified to rule.
19. Benevolent sensibility is shown to be abused in Next Door Neighbours, a play which depicts another situation in which rank and power have clearly become dissociated from high moral standards. Sir George Splendorville disqualifies himself from his high position in society when he parodies benevolence by giving money ostensibly to release Henry's elderly father, Willford, from a debtors' prison but really in payment for the opportunity to attempt to seduce Henry's sister, Eleanor. When Willford, having resolved to return to jail rather than accept freedom at such a price, asks Sir George to look him in the face, Sir George cannot lift his eyes from the floor. It is as if, for a moment, a new moral hierarchy displaces the old social hierarchy; but the radicalism of the incident is not sustained. Inchbald shows Willford rejoicing that Sir George is thus not 'a hardened libertine' and the final act of the play develops this hint, dramatising the resurgence of innate honesty within Sir George, redeeming the corrupt aristocrat and restoring him to his estates.
20. Despotism recurs in Wives as they Were, and Maids as they Are in the arena of domestic relations between men and women, drawing upon the traditional analogy between state and domestic government which was a feature of discussion about the treatment of women throughout the eighteenth century. Sir William, the long-lost father in disguise, spends much of the play attempting to control his daughter's behaviour by stern rebukes and eventually oversees her committal to prison for debt. The climactic scene between them occurs in prison and dramatises the stages by which Sir William's attitude changes from dictating to his daughter how she should live to allowing her to be her 'own mistress' (below, p. 210). Ironically, his reluctantly offered generosity brings immediate joy: given her freedom, she chooses altruistic behaviour and demonstrates her unconditional love for her father. A little like Zedan in Such Things Are, at the first sign of benevolence in another her innate capacity for love and goodness is reawakened.
21. A subplot in the play virtually spells out the analogy between domestic and state power, considering the implications for a wife of a marriage relationship governed by a totally dominating husband. In some ways the situation is reminiscent of the Sultan in Such Things Are, who has unjustly, if unknowingly, imprisoned his European wife for fourteen years and, upon her release, hears her offer to be his 'slave for ever' (below, p. 76). Lord Priory governs and literally subjects his wife, keeping her at home, totally occupied by work, and occasionally locking her up; she is his servant and 'his female slave', having no 'liberty to do wrong' (below, pp. 215, 175). In Inchbald's time, these metaphors would have connected the domestic scene with the discourse of contemporary anti-slavery campaigns and debates on human rights. (30) Directly illustrating the critique of patriarchy in Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), Lord Priory admits in soliloquy that he controls his wife because he cannot control himself. Bronzely, the libertine seducer, tries to flatter Lady Priory by suggesting that under cover of her apparent submissiveness she has the upper hand in what he assumes is a power struggle with her husband. Lady Priory, however, far from manipulating her husband, speaks as if she has no independent identity: Lord Priory, she declares, 'is myself' (below, p. 199). Bronzely claims to have found this to be true: explaining to her husband why, having abducted her, he was unable to seduce her, he says that 'your authority, your prerogative, your honour attached to her under my roof' (below, p. 214). However, this is hardly an accurate account: Lady Priory may claim no independent identity, but this is not to say that she has no independent judgement. She points out to Bronzely that the fidelity she shows her husband is voluntary: as she perceives the male sex to be 'all tyrants' towards women, who must 'obey' them, she has exercised choice in deciding which man she herself will obey (below, p. 191). According to the Vindication of the Rights of Women, a wife who is an abject slave, with no moral understanding independent of her husband's, will be unable to maintain a moral position from her own resources; (31) but Lady Priory passes this test. The audience, witnessing the scene of attempted seduction, hears Lady Priory invoke not her husband's wishes but her own interests. She responds to Bronzely's advances with reasoned argument, pointing out how bad a bargain adultery would be for her. The play supports a complex debate on the nature and place of female independence in relations between the sexes, which it is not easy to resolve. By way of an ending, the play ostensibly comes down on the side of traditional marriage and, as three couples form up, images of elected government, male authority, magistracy and protection crowd the final exchanges, appealing directly to the audience's loyalty to constitutional monarchy. In the first performances, a similarly loyalist note was sounded by the epilogue, which refers to a recent British naval victory and was followed by enthusiastic calls from the audience for 'Hearts of Oak' and 'Rule, Britannia', patriotic songs which were duly performed. (32)
22. While Haswell's intervention in the prison regime in Such Things Are clearly functions as a critique of the despotism of the Sultan, Haswell's qualities of character, as the epitome of independent principle, are set against the faults of people like Twineall, who allow their lives to be dictated by fashion - another form of tyranny. Twineall delights in fashionable styles of speech and dress; he adjusts his appearance and expression to conform to the tastes of others. But this trait goes deeper: the influence of Chesterfield means that Twineall lives entirely by sycophancy, parroting the views of others in order to flatter his way into their confidence. Twineall becomes a figure of ridicule when he acts on false information about the preferences of the Tremors and Lord Flint, and so tells them the very opposite of what would have won him favour. Brought, like the Sultan, to understand the superiority of Haswell's creed, Twineall sees that fashion is less becoming than personal authenticity, servility less impressive than moral independence
23. Very similar antitheses underlie the debate about female freedom in Wives as they Were, and Maids as they Are, which explores some subtle variations on the idea argued in Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Women: that women are enslaved as much by fashion as by tyrannical government. Miss Dorrillon's confident social demeanour seems to express the spirit of female independence but, because of her disastrous gambling activities, she is heavily in debt and so is not self-possessed or independent at all. It turns out that her assertive style is a matter of fashion, echoed in the prologue's references to the masculine image being adopted by women who affect male dress, drive carriages and indulge in gambling. As such it is, ironically, just another form of enslavement. The play implies that Miss Dorrillon's authentic nature is released when her feelings for her father burst forth in Act V, sweeping away all her former pretences. By contrast, Lady Priory, the slave wife, is cut off from fashion. Like Zedan in Such Things Are and Amanthis in The Child of Nature, she is in a sense 'primitive', compared with the sophisticated women of the beau monde; an early title for the play, 'The Primitive Wife and Modern Maid', makes this point. (33) When introduced into Miss Dorrillon's fashionable circle she appears almost as a lower form of life, but the play gives her moral superiority. Her uninitiated comments on the lives of the fashionable, like those of Amanthis, impact satirically on the very group which considers her oppressed. Wives as they Were, and Maids as they Are thus presents a modern young woman who appears self-possessed but is in fact a hostage of fashion alongside an old-fashioned wife who looks like a slave but is to some extent morally free.
24. Ideas of the tyranny of government and of fashion come together in Such Things Are and in Wives as They Were; in the former, the two are very obviously united in the person of the French count who appeared in the early state of the manuscript. Méprise would thus have been an excellent example of what E. P. Thompson identified as 'the theatre of greatness', consolidating aristocratic power by providing the definitive performance of fashion and manners at the same time. (34) A colonial go-between, hand in glove with the despotic Sultan and enacting gallantries in the expatriate social circle, Méprise combines oppressive political power with French style. His ability to enforce cultural hegemony is mirrored in the way in which Lady Tremor, a comic social climber played by Isabella Mattocks, admires and emulates Flint rather than Haswell, her reward a misinterpreted remark of his that she could be taken for a countess. Although, as the discussion above has suggested, the sentimental endings of Inchbald's humanitarian plays fail to carry their radical implications through to their conclusion, there is undeniable political animus in the antithesis between tyranny and benevolence embedded in the action of the plays. There is militancy, too, in the critique of aristocratic decadence delivered by candid lower-class characters, in the virtue and modesty which are set against show, and in the conscious refusal to adopt the theatricality of social performance.
 
Radical candour and the performance of femininity
25. In Such Things Are Haswell's plainness of speech takes on a positive charge, in contrast with the deceitful words of the politician Lord Flint and the elaborate muttering, the evasive style of speaking, which fails to disguise the ignorance and thoughtlessness that Twineall brings to Sumatra from London's beau monde. An early sign in Next Door Neighbours that Sir George Splendorville is not entirely lost to the fashionable decadence and excess in which he lives is the restrained brevity of his responses to the extravagant expressions of his guests in Act I. Bluntly, loyal servant to Sir George, is a more humble and militant version of Haswell, stepping back markedly from any association with the corrupt lawyer, Blackman, and championing the innocence of Eleanor in defiant exchanges with his master. (35) It is the violation of Bluntly's honesty and integrity, the ghastly charade that he is made to play in lawyer Manly's office attempting to impersonate a non-existent witness, which touches the core of goodness in Sir George, triggering the overwhelming sense of outrage against truth that impels him to denounce the whole fabric of deceit that Blackman has constructed and to embrace financial ruin with honesty rather than riches obtained by fraud.
26. But whereas the conventions and conditions of sentimental theatre support the notion of heroism through plain speaking for men - the man of integrity and feeling is, especially within the nationalist drama of sincerity, an admirable figure - plain speaking for female characters is much more complex and less straightforwardly admirable, socially or theatrically. Bluntly's integrity is honourably displayed in the fact that he is such a bad actor; by contrast, Inchbald's genteel female characters, such as the Countess in The Widow's Vow, Amanthis in The Child of Nature and Eleanor in Next Door Neighbours, are not bad performers, but rather non-performers. Inchbald creates opportunities for them to express themselves with abnormal directness, dropping all social hypocrisy. She pursues what is virtually an ethic of female directness and plain speaking within comedy, suggesting an analogy between the conventions of comedy and the social conventions that make genteel women's lives artificial, their femininity a 'performance'. (36)
27. In The Widow's Vow, alongside the comic effect of the Marquis's indignation at finding himself referred to and treated as a woman, there is a good deal of comedy generated from the novelty value of witnessing the Countess, a woman of quality, speaking informally and without inhibition about her feelings to a man on first acquaintance, in a tête-à-tête, thinking that she is in fact conversing with a woman in disguise. This 'normal' behaviour, just as Isabella, the contriving sister to the Marquis, hopes, cuts through all the barriers of feminine decorum and the rituals of courtship to make familiarity immediately possible. Inchbald's emphasis is crucially different from her source, Joseph Patrat's L'Heureuse erreur. (37) The behaviour of Patrat's countess is governed by the sense that the spectacle of what she believes to be a woman merely wearing the disguise of a suitor makes fully explicit all the insincerities of the language of courtship, and she remains aloof in her scepticism. The startling freedom and openness of the Countess is Inchbald's idea, and so is the mimicry of it by the servants in the play. Flora's behaviour with the Marquis's valet, Carlos, brings knowingness and sexual relish to their parallel interview, indirectly underlining the titillating dimension of the exchanges between the Countess and the Marquis, while allowing the Countess to appear innocent. By the conventions of stage comedy, Flora's combination of forthright speech (called 'pertness' by Don Antonio in the play's opening scene) and an explicit interest in sex fit her class position as a servant, from which there is by definition no claim to femininity, since femininity is class-specific at a higher social level. Accordingly, well-born women are devalued by directness of speech. Lady Tremor in Such Things Are is a vulgar upstart and her outspoken wrangling with Sir Luke says as much. When the disguised Sir William Dorrillon despairs over the verbal style of his daughter (always assertive, sometimes defiant), he speaks of her as he might speak of a insubordinate servant. He considers her impertinent and laments that he cannot discern in her conduct even 'one proof of discretion' (below, p. 186). In other words, she is, in his eyes, shockingly unfeminine.
28. In a sense, all five plays in this volume construct opportunities for women to speak honestly to men by devising abnormal situations which provide a pretext for their failure to give a proper performance of femininity. In The Child of Nature, Amanthis speaks her feelings with astonishing frankness to the libertine Count as well as to her guardian-lover, the Marquis, because she has the freedom of the ingénue, the pastoral innocent. She has been brought up in seclusion from the world and is ignorant about sex, unversed in the language of seduction which the Count employs. The play makes the point that the natural girl feels love and sexual attraction but that the language she uses in her attempt to express it causes high amusement because it shows such ignorance of the conventions and protocols with which polite society codes its meanings. The female prisoner in Such Things Are and Eleanor in Next Door Neighbours also speak straight from their principles and their feelings; not because of ignorance or low birth, but because of poverty and suffering. In the seduction scene in Next Door Neighbours, Sir George taunts the resisting Eleanor with the supposition that she is inexperienced and has learnt all her 'sentiments' from books. 'No', Eleanor replies, 'from misfortunes - yet more instructive' (below, p. 148). Later in the same scene, she picks up a gun from a desk to defend her chastity and looks as if she might use it. Here female frankness becomes social protest, thence militancy.
29. On occasion, Inchbald took the sheer unconventionality of staging direct words and actions for women further than the audience would accept. In the first production, Eleanor's assertive speech was carried through in the final act into her new identity, accompanying her acquisition of wealth and her rise in social status as long-lost sister to Sir George (not to Henry, as hitherto supposed). Deciding how to dispose of her wealth, she also decides how to dispose of herself and proposes marriage to Henry: 'Could you love me by a nearer dearer Tie than Brother, say so instantly; now while I am rich, and you in Poverty; lest fickle fortune change our Circumstances, and forwardness on my Part, cannot lie hid under the Mask of Bounty'. (38) Henry accepts her 'Bounty' and herself as a 'Blessing'; but the reviewers found the episode indelicate and it was cut, partly because the two characters had been depicted as sister and brother up to this point and partly because of the sheer immodesty and lack of femininity of the idea of a woman of quality making a proposal of marriage. (39) This rebuff must have contributed to Inchbald's sensitivity over modifying Amelia's 'indelicately blunt' declaration of her feelings to Anhalt, when she adapted August von Kotzebue's Das Kind der Liebe as Lovers' Vows in 1799: in her preface, she remarks that 'the forward and unequivocal manner, in which [Amelia] announces her affection to her lover, in the original, would have been revolting to an English audience' (The British Theatre, vol. 23, pp. 5-6).
30. The issue of femininity and performance is most interesting in relation to Wives as they Were, and Maids as they Are. It is difficult to decide from the text how far Lady Priory is a performer, how far single-minded, how far capable of duplicity; how far she identifies unquestioningly with subordination to her husband and how far she takes it up consciously as a role she must play. The play is equally ambivalent as to how far Miss Dorrillon's assertiveness is a fashionable posture and how far it allows her simply to speak her mind. The antithesis of female fashion, speaking little and only the truth, Lady Priory is so proper in her responses to Bronzely's early overtures of seduction that, modish and dissembling as he is, he misunderstands her. They speak virtually different languages. Morally impressive in her arguments with Bronzely, her lack of theatrical style and appeal almost subverts her. In the seduction scene, as Bronzely proceeds to threaten her, Lady Priory, used to employing all available time in productive household work, sits down with almost bathetic effect and takes out, not a firearm, but her knitting. The plot of the play is designed to tease the audience repeatedly with the exciting possibility of Lady Priory's revolt, the uprising of the enslaved; even after this display of unshakeable respectability, the ensuing reported offstage action induces both Lord Priory and the audience to believe that Lady Priory really has left her husband for Bronzely. At this point Miss Dorrillon and Lady Priory exchange theatrical potential: Miss Dorrillon is brought to her knees, into emotional honesty and then into unconsciousness as she faints away in the reconciliation scene with her father. The theatrical fascination of her earlier, complex behaviour collapses into the simplicity of conventional daughterhood. The climax of the final scene is given to Lady Priory, who returns with Bronzely to their previous circle in an atmosphere tense with the anticipation of duplicity. At first she fails to give Lord Priory the assurances he expects: she cannot say that her contempt for Bronzely is unchanged. Inchbald exploits fully the dramatic possibilities of this moment: Lady Priory first refuses to speak; then, in what seems something like a revolt, rebukes her husband for gambling with Bronzely on her honour; finally she reveals that the sentiment she now feels for Bronzely is nothing more adulterous than gratitude for bringing her back to her husband so soon.
31. The staging of female candour threatens theatrical vitality. However, Inchbald maintains histrionic verve through farce bordering on the carnivalesque in The Widow's Vow; through the dualities of pastoral in The Child of Nature, where Amanthis is simultaneously inferior and superior to her sophisticated audience; and through the shock of topical political confrontation in Such Things Are, Next Door Neighbours and Wives as they Were, and Maids as they Are. In his biography, Boaden discloses very little about Inchbald's politics, preferring to gloss over the early 1790s, when she was discussing drafts of her work with Thomas Holcroft and William Godwin and must have been close to the development of the radical agendas of the English Jacobin movement. He prefers to wrap all this up by asserting that 'in spite of occasional leanings to what are called liberal notions, she at all times cherished a personal love for the Royal Family' (Boaden, Memoirs of Mrs Inchbald, vol. I, p. 262). The evidence of these plays, however, points to a commitment to libertarian issues and a questioning of conventions that were not occasional but consistent, yet were compromised inevitably by the demands of theatrical viability.
32.

A vivid illustration of the tempering of radical ideas within the cultural reality of Inchbald's theatrical world is provided by the striking story of the quarrel between Inchbald and Mary Wollstonecraft in 1797. When Inchbald heard by letter from Godwin in April 1797 that he and Mary Wollstonecraft had married, she immediately tried to prevent them fulfilling an arrangement which had been made with her prior to their wedding, by which Godwin was to reserve a box for them all at the performance of Frederick Reynolds's The Will on the author's benefit night. The main problem in the situation for Inchbald, in all probability, was that the Godwins' marriage made absolutely clear that although Wollstonecraft had been appearing in public previously as Mrs Imlay, she had never been married to Gilbert Imlay, the American writer with whom she had had a daughter, and thus had never been the kind of proper female acquaintance which Inchbald could permit herself. She wrote that 'another person' would now secure the box and she was sure the newly-weds would be too much occupied by joyfulness to remember 'every trifling engagement'. (40) The nature of the row which ensued when the Godwins did indeed join Inchbald emerges in a letter from Godwin to Inchbald written immediately after Mary Wollstonecraft's death in September of the same year, explaining why he considered Inchbald guilty of 'unworthy behaviour' towards his wife:

I think your shuffling behaviour about the taking places to the comedy of the 'Will,' dishonourable to you. I think your conversation with her that night at the play base, cruel, and insulting. There were persons in the box who heard it, and they thought as I do. I think you know more of my wife than you are willing to acknowledge to yourself, and that you have an understanding capable of doing some small degree of justice to her merits. I think you should have had magnanimity and self-respect enough to have shewed this. I think that while the Twisses and others were sacrificing to what they were silly enough to think a proper etiquette, a person so out of all comparison their superior, as you are, should have placed her pride in acting upon better principles, and in courting and distinguishing insulted greatness and worth; I think that you chose a mean and pitiful conduct, when you might have chosen a conduct that would have done you immortal honour. You had not even their excuse. They could not (they pretended) receive her into their previous circles. You kept no circle to debase and enslave you. (41)

Here Godwin touches upon some of the basic principles of Jacobin philosophy, which impinge upon the critiques of fashion in Inchbald's plays of the 1790s: the primacy of personal honour, individual reason and independent principle; valuing others by their human worth, not by the status attached to them by any external authority; having the courage not to follow fashionable opinion, to resist intellectual slavery to the ideas and prejudices of others. But what Godwin perhaps does not understand is that the theatre must have been to Inchbald a very powerful 'circle': the social arena in which she had with great care and pains developed her professional and personal reputation. In its public, conventional space she could not exercise independent judgement in her own person; there was an imperative to conform which she could not ignore. Godwin expected her to show independence of mind in the very place where she could depict it, within limits, on the stage, but could least afford it herself.

 
Angela J. Smallwood
University of Nottingham

Angela J. Smallwood is Senior Lecturer in Eighteenth-Century Literature in the School of English, University of Nottingham. She has published Fielding and the Woman Question: The Novels of Henry Fielding and Feminist Debate 1700-1750 (Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf and New York: St Martin's Press, 1989) and, in addition to the Inchbald edition excerpted here, a series of essays on late eighteenth-century women playwrights (details in endnotes to this essay). She is currently working on interrelationships between French and English eighteenth-century comedy in the work of women playwrights as her contribution to a collaborative five-year international project, 'European Intertexts: Women's Writing in English as part of a European Fabric'.

 

Notes

(1) The first London editions, which have been taken up as the copy-texts for this volume, print the plays in the state in which they settled after the first few nights of stage production. Comparisons with the Larpent manuscripts (available for all except the The Child of Nature ) reveal that the printed texts include changes made as a result of the final rehearsals and the first performances; the rewriting often relates closely to reviews and other comments in the contemporary press. The first editions attempt to suggest stage presentation for readers by increasing the number and detail of the stage directions and by introducing italics extensively, apparently to indicate spoken emphases. They are also heavily punctuated, in a style which frequently seems at odds with the grammatical construction of the sentences but generally proves plausible in terms of the spoken delivery.
(2) Biographical material in this introduction is drawn from James Boaden, Memoirs of Mrs Inchbald, 2 vols (London: Bentley, 1833). Boaden tells how Inchbald worked over a long period on an autobiography, dealing mainly with her pre-London years, but destroyed it. Inchbald's acting experience in Yorkshire is indicated by Tate Wilkinson in The Wandering Patentee; or, A History of the Yorkshire Theatres from 1770 to the Present Time, 4 vols (York: for the author, 1795).
(3) Information about London theatre productions is based upon Charles Beecher Hogan (ed), The London Stage 1660-1800: A Calendar of Plays ... Part 5: 1776-1800, 3 vols (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1968).
(4) Indications of Inchbald's reading by year are provided by Boaden, who draws on these notebooks. Boaden's information has been collated in George Louis Joughin, 'The Life and Work of Elizabeth Inchbald', (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Harvard, 1932), pp. 420-3, who notes that Boaden is probably selective. A wider range of information from manuscript diaries, account books and pocketbooks now held in the Folger Library is reflected in Patricia Sigl, 'The Literary Achievement of Elizabeth Inchbald [1753-1821]' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Wales, 1980).
(5) I am thinking primarily of Susannah Cibber, The Oracle (1752), an afterpiece based on St Foix, L'Oracle (1750); and Catherine Clive, The Rehearsal; or, Bayes in Petticoats (1750), a farce. Clive went on to write between three and five further pieces, the last being The Faithful Irishwoman (1765). For Elizabeth Griffith's negotiations with Garrick, see Betty Rizzo, 'Depressa Resurgam: Elizabeth Griffith's Playwriting Career', Curtain Calls: British and American Women and the Theater, 1660-1820, eds Mary Anne Schofield and Cecilia Macheski (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1991), pp. 120-42; and Ellen Donkin, Getting Into the Act: Women Playwrights in London 1776-1829 (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), pp. 60-2.
(6) See Judith Phillips Stanton, 'Statistical Profile of Women Writing in English from 1660-1800', Eighteenth-Century Women and the Arts, eds Frederick M. Keener and Susan E. Lorsch (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988), pp. 247-54. Inchbald's publisher Robinson paid her £200 in 1791 for A Simple Story and £150 in 1796 for Nature and Art, when Inchbald was an established success. In 1797 Wives as they Were, and Maids as they Are earned her over £400.
(7) Inchbald wrote over twenty plays, some of which were neither produced nor published and have not survived; the total is unknown. See Patricia Sigl, 'The Elizabeth Inchbald Papers', Notes and Queries, 227 (June 1982), pp. 220-4; also her article, 'Mrs Inchbald's Egyptian Boy', Theatre Notebook, 43. 2 (1989), 57-69. Paula R. Backscheider's collection of The Plays of Elizabeth Inchbald, 2 vols (New York and London: Garland, 1980) contains twenty-one plays, including facsimiles of first editions of eighteen published plays and editions of three unpublished plays: 'All on a Summer's Day', 'The Hue and Cry' and 'Young Men and Old Women (Lovers No Conjurors)'.
(8) James Boaden, Memoirs of Mrs Siddons Interspersed with Anecdotes of Authors and Actors, second edition, 2 vols (London: Colburn and Bentley, 1831), vol. II, p. 10.
(9) Although Inchbald wrote short prefaces for all the plays in The British Theatre (1808) and gave her name to the collection, she had no say about the content. She may have had much more influence on the contents of A Collection of Farces and Afterpieces (1809) and The Modern Theatre (1811).
(10) Inchbald began a novel in 1777, which was rejected by a publisher in 1779; Boaden assumes that this was an early version of A Simple Story but Sigl regards this as unproven. Inchbald had begun a farce in 1776. Her first work to be accepted was The Mogul Tale; or, The Descent of the Balloon, produced at the Haymarket in 1784 and published in 1786. Her untitled piece comparing drama with the novel appeared in the periodical The Artist (13 June 1807), reprinted 1810.
(11) On afterpieces see Richard W. Bevis (ed), Eighteenth-Century Drama: Afterpieces (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), pp. vii-xvi; Leo Hughes, 'Afterpieces: or, That's Entertainment' in George Winchester Stone, junior (ed), The Stage and the Page: London's 'Whole Show' in the Eighteenth-Century Theatre (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), pp. 55-70.
(12) This tedious line of remark was to continue for another ten years at least. These instances occurred as journalists picked up news of Inchbald's progress in writing Such Things Are in Morning Chronicle (21 July 1786), Morning Post (18 December 1786), and New London Magazine, III (1787), 102. For the identification of significant material on the reception of Inchbald's plays, I am indebted to Sigl, 'The Literary Achievement of Elizabeth Inchbald', Appendix A, an extensive collation of contemporary press reviews.
(13) The British Theatre (1808) included five plays by Inchbald, all five-act pieces: Such Things Are, Every One has his Fault, Wives as they Were, and Maids as they Are, Lovers' Vows (adaptation) and To Marry or not to Marry. The last four date from 1793 onwards when Inchbald was a fully professional writer. A Collection of Farces and Afterpieces (1809) included The Midnight Hour (adaptation), The Child of Nature (adaptation) and The Wedding Day, three of her most successful two-act pieces, all of which were to stay in print for many years. In The Modern Theatre (1811), she placed I'll Tell You What, Next Door Neighbours (adaptation) and The Wise Man of the East (adaptation), plays drawn from all phases of her career, none of which was reprinted after the publication of The Modern Theatre in 1811. The texts of the Inchbald plays in these anthologies are not authoritative; they correct some errors which appear in the first editions but also introduce some new ones. The texts in this edition follow the first editions as closely as possible, including retaining inconsistencies of spelling where the variations are possible for the period. Obvious errors have been corrected silently. Emendations supported by a manuscript or a later edition are made silently but recorded in the end notes. A few stage directions have been added where they were lacking, to provide entrances and exits for all characters in all scenes, and to indicate essential stage business on which the first edition is silent. All editorial additions appear in square brackets.
(14) Sigl in 'The Literary Achievement of Elizabeth Inchbald' discusses the influence of earlier English plays on new plays of Inchbald's time and shows fascinating interrelationships between new plays promoted by rival theatres in the same or neighbouring seasons. For French influence on English stage comedy in the period, see Willard Austin Kinne, Revivals and Importations of French Comedies in England 1749-1800 (1939; reprinted New York: AMS Press, 1967).
(15) On Goldsmith and Marivaux, see Kinne, Revivals and Importations of French Comedies, pp. 131-2; on The School for Scandal see James Boaden, Memoirs of the Life of John Philip Kemble, 2 vols (London: Longman, 1825), vol. I, pp. xii-xiv.
(16) See Gary Kelly, The English Jacobin Novel 1780-1805 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), pp. 93-9; Betsy Bolton, 'Farce, Romance, Empire: Elizabeth Inchbald and Colonial Discourse', The Eighteenth Century, 39. 1 (1998), 3-24; Katherine S. Green, '"You Should Be My Master": Imperial Recognition Politics in Elizabeth Inchbald's Such Things Are', CLIO 27. 3 (1998), 387-414; Daniel O'Quinn, 'Inchbald's Indies: Domestic and Dramatic Re-Orientations', European Romantic Review, 9. 2 (spring 1998), 217-30, 'Elizabeth Inchbald's The Massacre : Tragedy, Violence and the Networks of Political Fantasy', British Women Playwrights around 1800, http://www-sul.stanford.edu/mirrors/romnet/wp1800/essays/massacre_intro.html (1999), and 'Scissors and Needles: Inchbald's Wives as They Were, Maids as They Are and the Governance of Sexual Exchange', Theatre Journal 51 (1999), 105-25.
(17) See Morning Post, 11 July 1791; Attic Miscellany, vol. II (1 October 1790-1 September 1791), p. 408.
(18) On the eighteenth-century theatre audience see Leo Hughes, The Drama's Patrons (Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, 1971) and Hogan (ed), The London Stage, pp. cxcv-ccxviii. On theatre interiors see Richard Leacroft, The Development of the English Playhouse, revised edition (London and New York: Methuen, 1988), pp. 118-65, and Hogan (ed), The London Stage, pp. xliii-liv.
(19) 'Remarks' prefaced to Ambrose Philips, The Distressed Mother in The British Theatre, 25 vols (London: Longman, 1808), vol. 7, text 3, p. 3.
(20) In comparing Inchbald's work with her French sources, I have used the following editions: J[oseph] Patrat, L' Heureuse erreur (Amsterdam and Paris: Brunet, 1783); Stéphanie Félicité Brulart de Genlis, Marchioness de Sillery, Zélie, ou l'ingénue in her Théâtre de société, 2 vols (Paris, 1781), vol. II, pp. 158-323; Destouches, Le Dissipateur, ou l' honnête friponne (1736) in Oeuvres Dramatiques de N. Destouches, nouvelle édition, 6 vols (Paris: Tenré, 1821), vol. III, pp. 365-505; Louis Sebastien Mercier, L' Indigent (1772; Paris: Brunet, 1784). The broad differences between the French sources and Inchbald's adaptations are outlined in the headnotes; selected examples are detailed in the endnotes.
(21) Responses to revivals in the 1790s included complaints that The Child of Nature was a 'dull translation' (New London Magazine, VI (1790), 382) and 'insipid' (True Briton, 22 February 1796).
(22) Sigl, 'The Literary Achievement of Elizabeth Inchbald', pp. 139-54. The broader comic expressions in The Widow's Vow had to be toned down and the bedroom scene in Appearances Are Against Them (1785) was criticised for indelicacy.
(23) See below, pp. 82, 131, 164 and Gerald Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism: A Cultural History 1740-1830 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1987).
(24) This point is suggested by the discussion in Bolton, 'Farce, Romance, Empire', pp. 14-16.
(25) 'Sentimentalism is to be found in the mawkish attitudinizings of the inferior-gifted moral ladies and, sometimes Reverend, gentlemen who chiefly capitalized on an undiscriminating reading public'; this statement by Arthur Sherbo retains something of the tone of the critical traditions which he otherwise challenges in English Sentimental Drama (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1957), p. 166; a more positive interpretation of the relation between sentimental drama and feminisation is provided by Janet Todd, Sensibility: An Introduction (London and New York: Methuen, 1986), pp. 41-8 (including a brief discussion of Inchbald).
(26) Allardyce Nicoll, Late Eighteenth-Century Drama 1750-1800, vol. 3 of A History of English Drama 1660-1900, second edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1952), p. 14.
(27) Robert Markley, 'Sentimentality as Performance: Shaftesbury, Sterne and the Theatrics of Virtue', The New 18th Century: Theory, Politics, English Literature, eds Felicity Nussbaum and Laura Brown (New York and London: Methuen, 1987), pp. 210-30.
(28) See Boaden, Memoirs of Mrs Inchbald, vol. I, p. 242. Reviews published on 12 February 1787 confirm the story, testifying that 'We never felt a more powerful electrical stroke' (Morning Chronicle) and that never 'did ... a stroke of nature go so irresistably to the hearts of a whole theatre' (The World).
(29) See Bolton, 'Farce, Romance, Empire', especially pp. 17-19.
(30) See Moira Ferguson, Colonialism and Gender Relations from Mary Wollstonecraft to Jamaica Kincaid: East Caribbean Connections (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), pp. 8-33.
(31) See Mary Wollstonecraft, Vindication of the Rights of Woman in The Works of Mary Wollstonecraft, eds Janet Todd and Marilyn Butler, 7 vols (London: Pickering & Chatto, 1989) vol. 5, pp. 65-9, 115-17.
(32) The scene is recorded by The Times, 6 March 1797.
(33) This is the title of the Larpent MS (see below, p. 166).
(34) E. P. Thompson, 'Patrician Society, Plebeian Culture', Journal of Social History 7. 4 (1974), 382-405.
(35) 'Bluntly' and 'Blackman' are instances of Inchbald's use of names which label her characters. This feature of her drama was criticised for disclosing what the audience would prefer to discover for themselves, ignoring its purpose of satiric distancing.
(36) Inchbald provides an interesting contrast with Hannah Cowley who foregrounds the performance of femininity by the virtually opposite device of metatheatricality; see Angela J. Smallwood, 'Women and the Theatre', Women and Literature in Britain 1700-1800, ed. Vivien Jones (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 238-62.
(37) For a complementary discussion of The Widow's Vow and Patrat, see my paper, 'Elizabeth Inchbald and the "Jostling Race": Adaptations of French Comedy for the London Stage in the 1780s and 1790s', Interfaces artistiques et littéraires dans l'Europe des Lumières/Artistic and Literary Exchange and Relations in Enlightenment Europe, vol. 2 of Le Spectateur européen/The European Spectator, ed. Elisabeth Détis, 4 vols (Montpellier: Université Paul-Valery, 2000), pp. 207-21.
(38) Larpent MS 912, fols 80-1.
(39) See Morning Chronicle, 11 July 1791; and Morning Herald, 12 July 1791.
(40) Inchbald to Godwin, 11 April 1797; quoted in C. Kegan Paul, William Godwin: His Friends and Contemporaries, 2 vols (London: King, 1876) vol. 1, p. 240. The gloss on Inchbald's motivation in attempting to put off the Godwins is suggested by Ralph M. Wardle, Mary Wollstonecraft: A Critical Biography (London: Richards; Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1951) p. 288.
(41) Godwin to Inchbald, 13 September 1797; quoted in Paul, William Godwin, vol. 1, p. 278.